Cet article s'oppose aux propositions sur le pouvoir, la classe et la domination politique de la classe labors par un volet particulier du marxisme - le marxisme structuraliste -, au moyen d'un dialogue critique avec l'un de ses auteurs paradigmatiques: Nicos Poulantzas. Mills proposed that this group had been generated through a process of rationalization at work in all advanced industrial societies whereby the mechanisms of power became concentrated, funneling overall control into the hands of a limited, somewhat corrupt group. The firm conviction that Marx is right about (a) the false consciousness caused by capitalism and (b) the inevitable failure of capitalism due to its internal contradictions can breed a form of elitist thinking that can become very manipulative. With their interpretation of the universal suffrage as an exercise in hypocrisy, the elitists have been considered by Albert Hirschman a perfect example of the rhetoric of futility, one of the three main arguments typical of what he called the rhetoric of reaction (the other two being the perversity and the jeopardy theses) (Hirschman 1991). Both in Political Power and Social Classes, published in 1968, and in the polemic which thereafter he engaged in with Ralph Miliband in the pages of the New Left Review, Poulantzas criticized the analytical, political and ideological impertinence that was bringing in the problematic of political elites into Marxist theory (cf. He says the "notion that the pressure system is automatically representative of the whole community is a myth" and, instead, the "system is skewed, loaded and unbalanced in favor of a fraction of a minority".[8]. While insisting that politics is always a power struggle within the ruling elite, these authors centred their analysis on the unintended political consequences of irrational (or non-completely rational) behaviour, especially by establishing a distinction between the rhetoric of legitimation and true motives, which in turn mirrored a more significant and fundamental social distinction between the ruling class and the ruled (per Mosca) or between the elite and the non-elite (per Pareto). This kind of formulation lends itself well and preferably to the analysis of strategic actions of real political life. ARON, Raymond. [9] This reflected a decline in politics as an arena for debate and relegation to a merely formal level of discourse. (~150 B.C.) The search for constants and general laws of political action seemed a natural consequence of such methods. The most fundamental feature of democracy is, according to Burnhams reading of Mosca, the right of opposition, defined as the right of opponents of the currently governing lite to express publicly their oppositions views and to organise to implement those views (apud Burnham 1943, p. 180). CODATO, Adriano. (iii) The elitist perspective cannot identify the foundations of political power. Fast Download speed and no annoying ads. For classical elitism, political power, held and wielded by an autonomous bureaucracy (embodied by the "upper echelons" of the state and high-level cadres) is considered at any rate parallel to (political and economic) class domination and often independent from economic power. The problem of this conception is that, in reality, it divides political power (Idem, p. 158), something that is, by definition, non-sharable. Magalhes, however, argues that attention should be shifted from Webers context-specific defence of plebiscitary leadership in post-WWI Germany to his broader conception of charisma as an attempt to grasp the meaning of significant social and political change. Briefly put: the state apparatus is where power is exercised from; state power is power that is detained by dominant classes and fractions who benefit from decisions taken by the state. In this sense, it is theoretically (and possibly empirically) different from the class "in charge of" a concept which describes the agents who directly control state positions (the "state elite", in Miliband's definition). Palavras-chave: Marxismo; Teoria das elites; Teoria social; Nicos Poulantzas; Anlise de classe. The concept of "dominant class" is, Poulantzas reminds us, a lot more complex than the caricature outlined by Wright Mills. This is power in the strategic sense. Criticism of classical elite theorists by writers such as Meisel centres on the notion that the ruling elite is claimed to be a class. Get a Britannica Premium subscription and gain access to exclusive content. Thus, the elitists do not go beyond the analysis of either the elite-mass relationship (latter never being rigorously defined beyond conventional preconceptions), or intra-elite relationships. Let us recall the starting point of this article: if it is in any way possible to establish an interrelation between the nature of political/state elites (or the "class in charge of'") and their decisions, and, on the other hand, between these decisions and the effects they produce upon the social system (are they reproducing effect or not; anticipating or nor; in favor or not of the hegemonic fraction), therefore one must acknowledge the importance of elites as an object of study, which includes its importance in the analysis (or "proof") of the reproduction/transformation of class domination relationships. _________. Democratic elitism accepts the main premise of elite theory: no societies are governed by the people, by a majority; all societies, including societies called democratic, are ruled by a minority (Burnham 1943, p. 184). Correspondence to - can have a role that is parallel or analogous to the concept of class within Marxism. According to classical elite theory, all political systems are essentially the same, which means that the rial genuine differences between democracies and authoritarian regimes are dismissed. However, this framework (and its practical effects) has been challenged recently not only by populist political movements but also by theories of deliberative and participatory democracy, which emphasise the direct involvement of citizens in informed processes of collective decision-making, thereby accusing democratic elitism of being either a perversion of democracy or no democracy at all. The event was originally scheduled to take place on 1213 June 2020, but it had to be rescheduled to 2022 due to the Covid-19 pandemic. These problems could only be resolved, according to Poulantzas, in a realm of theoretical Marxism, or at least what Poulantzas deemed theoretical Marxism to be. In the end, the ruling minority always seeks to justify and legitimise its rule through ideological formulae, without which the social structure would disintegrate. In a nutshell, classical elite theory involves the following items (Burnham 1943: 165 ff. PRZEWORSKY, Adam. 7 Formalism is the outcome of the "internalist" perspective, adopted by some elite theory thinkers. II, p. 155 and p. 154, respectively). (1999), A lgica da ao coletiva. The choice of this sort of object of investigation is based on a hypothesis (one that is, by definition, refutable) which would allow the social scientist to avoid two very common temptations of political sociology: In order to avoid the traps of purely structural conceptions, which by means of metaphors spare themselves from using empirical procedures, but also without reducing the social system to the sum of individuals acting in a more or less voluntary manner, it is fundamental to recall that the action of the State, as an institution, depends greatly upon the people who run it (Idem. Criticisms levelled against populism typically focus on the way populist-friendly discourse distorts the values and ends of democratic procedures, and especially on how it misconstrues the people through polarisations based on social, political or nationalistic characteristics. Yet empirical elitism also appealed to Marxian figures such as Vladimir Lenin and Antonio Gramsci. For this reason, this mode of analysis cannot be limited to identifying the morphology of the mode of production (and its stags or phases) with the aim derive, by theoretical deduction, the political effects the class structure supposedly produces. "Class" can only be constituted as an analytically fruitful concept if we abandon for good the idea that it acts directly in politics. Paretos Law and Michels iron law of oligarchy conspire (indirectly and directly) against any attempt at establishing a government of the majority.The contemptuous attitude towards purported change and progress induces Hirschman to include the futility thesis in the conservative camp. It provided the tools to analyze the structure of a political system and served as a warning of what could happen in a modern capitalistic democracy. This is derived from the works of Karl Marx, who saw society as fragmented into groups that compete for social and economic resources. 1 / 6. power elite theory was developed by sociologist C. Wright Mills, in his book he was very critical of American democracy and he argued that in reality there was a class of military, business and political leaders driven by mutual interest that constituted the power elite. If, on one hand, it is undeniable that elites act in a structural context which restricts their margin of actions/option and redefine the sense of their strategies despite their initial intentions and "projects," on the other hand, it is not less undeniable that these elites make choices, outline their tactics, redefine decisions and calculate the reach of their possibilities of power and thereby affect the concrete dynamic of the political and social worlds. An elite may influence one field but it cannot influence all the fields. It follows therefore that it is possible to diminish or simply ignore the debates, issues, methodological advances and conceptual innovations of non-Marxist sociology and political science and whatever else is not useful or does not contribute towards the overcoming of class-based society. The choice between the expressions "dominant class" and "political elite" is not, however, merely a matter of terminology. With this said, there is no reason - other than those beyond the theoretical domain - to consider these conceptions of power mutually exclusive. (1960), Karl Marx devant le bonapartisme. ), "can only be resolved within the scientific problematic proposed by Marxism" and that to this end it would be necessary to return to "scientific indications which Marx, Engels, Gramsci and Lenis provided us in this respect" (1971, vol. CARVALHO, Jose Murilo de. It also recognises that the democratic principle is nothing but a formula that allows the ruling class to legitimise its power. ", being that these questions are lesser or less important compared to the first one. This deformation of Marxism, a maneuver which facilitates uncomplicated rejection can be found both in Gaetano Mosca (1939) and Raymond Aron (1991) or Pierre Birnbaum (1994). Marxism and elitism: two opposite social analysis models? As Burnham pointed out, there are real and significant differences in social structures from the point of view of the masses; these differences cannot be properly evaluated in terms of formal meanings, verbalism and ideologies (Burnham 1943, p. 166). (1939), The ruling class: elementi di scienza politica. Elite theory rejects the plurality that classical and elite pluralism proposes. He was an American social conflict theorist. For in reality, the elite would have the most to lose in a failed state. Braslia, Editora da UnB. In this sense, power would be no more than the ability to produce intended effects and ensuring that outcomes are achieved, despite the resistance of antagonistic groups. We do not believe so and in order for this proposition to become accepted one must refute some other critiques Poulantzas applied to the theoretical problematic of political elites. ; iii) or, quite the contrary, is this a reciprocally autonomous relationship, in which both stand independently? Confronted with profound changes in the political landscape due to the progressive enlargement of the franchise in Western democracies, authors such as Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, and Robert Michels insisted on the inevitable oligarchic nature of any kind of collective organisation, including modern mass parties. Elite cannot control the whole sphere of political activity: The advocates of elite theories wrongly believe that elite can control the whole sphere of political, social and economic activity. The political scientist Thomas Ferguson's Investment Theory of Party Competition can be thought of as an elite theory. The Elite's give a few crumbs to the masses to keep the people hopeful of the future. According to Walsh (2012), Karl Marx (1818 - 1883) is the father of critical criminology; he is . It could be said that these problems were either hidden or forgotten by the political sociology of the twentieth century as a result of the widespread use of the "political class" formula and whatever term later came as a substitute - power elites, governing class, ruling class - although never resolved. II, pp. New Left Review, 138: 37-55. Pierre Birnbaum summed up rather paradigmatically this intellectual disposition which is also our theoretical parti pris. In fact, individual liberty is presented as its primary or sole goal. Mosca emphasized the sociological and personal characteristics of elites. They tend to explain political phenomena and the power of elites based only on factors internal to the political universe. The cohesion of the social group who composes this new political group is conceived of distinctly (and erroneously) by Mosca, Michels, Meynaud, Wright Mills - either in terms of a unifying center, or in terms of the ascension of a new social group (the "administrators"), or, not least, in terms of the domination of one elite in particular over others. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Book The upshot is that contemporary democratic theory can draw on Weber to sink into the ambiguities of transformative democratic politics. According to Hirschman, the assertion that any society, regardless of its political structure, is always divided between the elite and the non-elite was tailor-made [by classical elitists] to prove the futility of any move toward true political citizenship via the franchise (Hirschman 1991, p. 51). Keywords: Marxism; lite theory; Social theory; Nicos Poulantzas; Class analysis. This approach can ultimately shed light on the other element of the opposition between the people and the elite, especially by offering the interpretative tools by which to understand how this opposition might sometimes conceal a competition between the ruling minorities or the epiphenomenon of the circulation of the elites (in Paretos words). Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens. We are confident that this issues contributions will help revive interest in elite theory and highlight its potentially fruitful explanatory strength vis--vis key problems and challenges faced by contemporary democracies.Footnote 1. In the fourth essay, Alfred Archer and Amanda Cawston tackle an interesting phenomenon in the dynamics of certain representative democracies that resonates with elite theory: the involvement of celebrities in politics. In this stud wily I worl okn the classic elite theories Pareto', namels y Circulation of Elites Mosca', s theories o Rulinf g Class, and Michels' theory of Iron law of Oligarch anyd I will not ge intt o neither the subject of Power Elite nor elites roles in today's societie particularls iyn developing countries. (1989), "A organizao do proletariado em classe: o processo de formao de classes", in _________, Capitalismo e social-democracia, So Paulo, Companhia das Letras. Marxisme et litisme: deux modles antagoniques d'analyse sociale? It thus paints a dark picture. When the aristocratic tendency prevails, rapid shifts occur in the composition and structure of elites (e.g., social revolutions). This implies several consequences, the least of which is the risk of sliding into the "ideological" terrain of the opponent. From this perspective, how should these very same problems be expressed in the language of Marxism, that is, according to its conceptual framework, and what was the theoretical solution Poulantzas devised for them? "7 However, concerning this point, we can initially observe that not only Marxism is deformed by its theoretical enemies, but that Marxists themselves tend to do the same to their ideological adversaries. The conclusion of this research was that there is a strong, linear correlation between the income of voters and how often their policy preferences become reality. Our perspective is that the answer to this question ought to be no. However, there is the possibility, for instance, of a class of fraction in the bloc of power that does not necessarily have its own party-style organization or that does not make itself present in the political scene in this way; a class or fraction of a class can disappear from the political scene yet continue to exist in the power bloc; there can possibly be a class of hegemonic fraction in the political scene that is different from the class or hegemonic class in power bloc; "the ruling class or fraction [] [in the political scene] can not only not be [the class of hegemonic faction], but can even, at times, be absent from the power bloc" (Idem, p. 76). This is to be done through a theoretical exposition placing this perspective in the spectrum of the main theories on the same topic , with special reference to the classical democratic-elite theories of Max Weber, Gaetano Mosca, Joseph These problems would in fact result from a series of mistakes made by the elitists. We have divided this article into four sections. Pluralism (political theory) 19 languages. C. Wright Mills Power Elite Theory. (2004), Brasil e Argentina: um ensaio de histria comparada (1850-2002). During the last thirty years, there have been numerous attempts to revise or reconstitute the "classical" theory of democracy: the familiar doctrine of popular rule, patterned after the New England town . (1989), "A anlise de classe no mundo atual: o marxismo como cincia social", in E. Hobsbawn (org. [3] At the lowest income sampled in the data, the correlation coefficient reached zero, whereas the highest income returned a correlation coefficient above 0.6. Each of these theories is briefly discussed. Dye's thesis is further expanded upon in his works: The Irony of Democracy, Politics in America, Understanding Public Policy, and Who's Running America?. The elitist tradition strongly affected the analysis of political phenomena during the twentieth century by developing a democratic elitism that interpreted liberal-democratic regimes according to a model of institutionalised competition between ruling elites. He believed that all organizations were elitist and that elites have three basic principles that help in the bureaucratic structure of political organization: Elmer Eric Schattschneider offered a strong critique of the American political theory of pluralism: Rather than an essentially democratic system in which the many competing interests of citizens are amply represented, if not advanced, by equally many competing interest groups, Schattschneider argued the pressure system is biased in favor of "the most educated and highest-income members of society", and showed that "the difference between those who participate in interest group activity and those who stand at the sidelines is much greater than between voters and nonvoters". In this sense, the elitist approach is compromised by an excessive degree of voluntariness, being insufficiently able to account for the structural constraints which limit the actions of elite groups. 437-438). _________. PUTNAM, Robert D. (1976), The comparative study of political elites. ), Histria do marxismo, Rio de Janeiro, Paz e Terra, vol. We have three points particularly in mind, laid out and discussed below. Refraining from assuming them to be the demiurge of these two worlds does not require us to see elites as mere puppets of structural determinants. Mots-cls: Marxisme; Thorie des lites; Thorie sociale; Nicos Poulantzas; Analyse de classe. According to Hirschman, the classical use of the futility argument is based on the idea that any progressive action aimed at changing structural characteristics is doomed to failure; the typical progressive-friendly counterargument is based on the opposing statement that the same action is backed up by powerful historical forces that are already on the march and that opposing these forces would be utterly futile (Hirschman 1991, p. 167). The three functions that Meisel identifies Mosca's elite must have . In order to strengthen this argument, it was crucial to translate it into a scientific law that would have shown the impossibility of genuine political change. 11. For example: a group can be recruited from a class (thus fulfilling the requirement of social origin), but can adopt a discourse and behavior that is guided by the ideology of another social group; in another scenario, the presence of action that is manifestly and consciously guided toward the accomplishment of class objectives would be enough to establish the relationship of representation, even if the members of the minority were not recruited by the benefited class and if they profess to uphold the ideology of a third social group. Omissions? MOSCA, Gaetano. It is possible to interpret elite theory as a periodical reaction to social revolution. Overly preoccupied with the "subjects" of power, the elitists are incapable of thinking the state as an institutional structure (agents, apparatuses, roles, center of power, etc.) KELLER, Suzanne. or "who governs? This does not falsify the central premise of the elitist argument, namely that rulers primary objective is to act at the service of their own interest and to maintain power and privilege. Penguin Books; London, England, Dahrendorf, Ralf (1990) Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: In a letter intended to have been sent to a gentleman in Warsaw. From the state itself, in that it is considered the exclusive source of political power (as in Weber and Michels)? The inevitability of elite rule could not be taken for granted, however, as attested by the fact that ancient, medieval, and early modern political writers undertook a constant struggle against rule by ordinary people, or democracy, which was often equated with the absence of order, or anarchy. They try to understand each other's differences and ensure less prejudice and discrimination towards the minority. And general laws of political power ( as in Weber and Michels ) however merely... 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